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Neither had the opportunity, as neither directly invaded an adjacent neighbor and started a sustained urban bombardment campaign.
In terms of preparation, the Russian position on NATO as a threat is that this is precisely what NATO has been from the start: a US proxy threatening incursions or worse into peaceful Russian territory. The Russian narrative, propaganda it may be, is as relevant to precedent for Russian nuclear deterrence posturing as anything else, or even more so, because one can take Russia's own words and actions for what both represents a threat but demonstratably does not represent a nuclear-retaliation trigger.
You seem to have missed the original point as much as the previous replier, so that's not a surprise.
The Cold War had numerous examples of both sides engaging in massive conventional arms shipments that resulted in tens or even hundreds of thousands of casualties to the other in the other's wars of choice where losing would not threaten to trigger state collapse and existential risk thresholds that drive nuclear weapon use.
As the relevant comparison being invoked was nuclear risk, that is incredibly relevant, especially as the Cold War had multiple contexts were nuclear war was far closer than the current Ukraine war.
That is not a causal mechanism, as the threshold criteria has already been falsified in this very conflict.
If 'serious inroads into Russia' were the standard that would invoke nuke use, nuclear weapons would have been used last year, because the Ukrainians have already made 'serious inroads' into de jure Ukrainian territory that Russia annexed. This is just one of the reasons why Putin's annexation gambit of the eastern parts of Ukraine last year was panned as a strategic mistake- in his attempt to box himself and any would-be successor into continuing the conflict to victory, he demonstrated that Ukrainian military successes in internationally-recognized but Russian-annexed Ukrainian territory were NOT something Russia was going to go nuclear over, a dynamic that was furthered with the Kherson defeat and which is ongoing in the southern front in late 2023. The obvious rheotrical off-ramp- that these aren't 'serious' inroads- just undermines the central premise, because the Russians can always claim that a major defeat is not 'serious', which moves the nuclear retaliation from objective criteria to subjective criteria, which goes to rational or irrational actors, which drives back to what observable indicators there are of nuclear thresholds and if they've already been passed X number of times, why they should be believed to be nuclear on X+1 time.
A similar lack of credibility occurred with claims that any attack on Crimea might meet a nuclear response- there have been many, many, many attacks on Crimea since the war started. They have not made the war go nuclear. Attacking ships in port did not make the war go nuclear. Conducting operations from within Russian-claimed territory, and even internationally-recognized Russian territory, did not make the war go nuclear. There was never any particular reason to believe they would besides people claiming clear causal mechanisms, but like many, many other Russian red lines, these have not been nuclear. That the Russians claim Crimea is a part of Russia as any other is itself undercut by the other areas they claim is part of Russia, ie. the territories they claimed not only when they didn't already hold them, but also lost significant major portions of. The precedent is already set, because Crimea is only as indisputably Russian for nuclear deterrence purposes due to being annexed as the also-annexed Ukrainian east, which has not been basis for nuclear retaliation.
A third extension of this theme of undermining nuclear-threshold criteria is, of course, Russia's own attacks into the other's territory: Russia set precedent in the world that strikes into urban centers were an acceptable form of non-unacceptable activity, and when the Ukrainians reciprocated, the Russians demonstrated it was not, in fact, a nuclear threshold. These were, notably, established with Urkainian strikes not dependent on Western advanced munitions, but from Ukraine's own stocks of Soviet-derived (and in some cases Soviet-produced) munitions. The actions doable from non-American sources demonstrated the lack of threshold criteria in claimed thresholds, and so western-provided munitions have to have something more than a magical western aura to be nuclear-escalation risk. Maybe if Urkraine began some sort of population-targetting WMD campaign... but the Ukrainian bio-weapon labs have not exactly materialized.
Between strategic mismanagement and precedence, the Russians have demonstrated that Ukraine taking Russian-claimed cities, reciprocating strikes, and other forms of military engagement remain below the level of nuclear threshold criteria, which is typically only associated with the survival of the state or WMD retaliation. Throughout the war, the Ukrainians have not significantly impacted the Russian state's ability to maintain internal control of the population, or even the military, which might cause a threat to the continuity of government, which is also credible nuclear thresholds. The most relevant threat to the state's capacity to control in the last two years have been overwhelmingly self-inflicted internal politics, which would not- and did not- lead to a credible nuclear threat.
If the argument is that aid packages will eventually allow Ukraine to march on Moscow, which would threaten state survival, that's not an argument against current aid packages. That's an argument against hypothetical future packages well, well after the point of Ukraine taking its internationally recognized borders.
And this is aside from the assumption of the Western response, for which leading to MAD results from the typical muddling of whether actors are rational or irrational. Even setting aside the nature of assuming the NATO response would be nuclear, if the Russians are rational nuclear actions, and NATO nuking is a given, then the Russians would not conduct the nuking that leads to MAD, because they are rational and the use of the nuclear weapon would not be worth it. As the Russians have not used nuclear weapons to reverse battlefield setbacks even without the threat of NATO nuking, the non-Russian observer is going to have to justify why a particular Russian battlefield loss will precipitate nuclear use when it hasn't been rational to do so to date, but also why- if the argument twists to that the Russians are irrational- why the irrational Russians haven't done so to date.
Which goes down to the typical muddling of actors being simultaneously rational and irrational which tends to retreat for the motte when challenged.
That’s a lot of words undermined by your first sentence. My whole point is “this war is categorically different from what happened in cold war proxy wars” and you confirmed in the first paragraph that I am correct.
You can’t say on one hand the Cold War established when nuclear weapons would be used and we haven’t reached that point while on the other hand acknowledge this situation never occurred during the Cold War.
Finally, my scenario hasn’t been falsified. My position is that if Russia was seriously threatened in Crimea or Moscow, Russia May use nukes which creates a spiral. Since the only way Ukraine could possibly threaten Russia this way is with our support, you just have your causal mechanism.
Finally, one need not find this example compelling to be worried about an existential threat. Let’s say there is a 5% chance. That is clearly a valid concern when giving weapons to Ukraine
No, not really.
You may need to re-read it, and then read the second, and the subsequent paragraphs, because that is not the concession you are looking for. Especially in light of response paras 4 and 5, which actually do address what you think paragraph one addresses.
Of course you can. The application of category qualifications is a basic skill.
If you understand what makes something qualify for a category, you can look for whether a new thing has the prerequisite characteristics to qualify. If we know that, categorically, something has characteristics X, Y, and Z, then if something we don't know doesn't have X, Y, and Z, we may not know it well, but it's not the category. In this case, 'the Cold War established when nuclear weapons would be used' is a category- the category of what sort of things would lead to nuclear weapons being used, i.e. the thresholds, i.e. existential concerns.
As the category already exists, then for novel example (war nearby rather than a ways away) to qualify for the category, you need to establish it as meeting the criteria. When the criteria are existential risk, you need to establish existential risk. If it does not, you can absolutely judge that it doesn't meet the category of concern.
At the end of the day, new things don't simply fall into pre-defined categories they haven't qualified for.
Now, you could try to argue that a starting premise is wrong- that we don't know Russian thresholds- but that would undermine the argument that we shouldn't send weapons because it would cross nuclear thresholds. The argument presumes an understanding of thresholds. If you don't, then there's no basis to the claim. If you do, then it's just discussing where the threshold is- and so far you've retreated from examples of non-threshold advanced weapon use.
Your position fails to have a causal mechanism because there is no objective relationship between claimed components due to in-build subjectivity and assumptions.
You don't define what a 'serious' threat to these areas is which allows retroactive retraction of any standard. You don't provide a causal relationship dynamic to explain how Crimea substantially differ from other areas Russia claimed are categorically the same but didn't nuke over and which thus demonstrate that control loss alone is not a threshold. You didn't establish why NATO should be automatically assumed to nuke, or why Moscow would choose to do so on the understanding of that, or why Moscow would escalate to MAD if it was willing to be nuked on that understanding in the first place. The is the classic conflation of rational and irrational nuclear actors- Moscow is simultaneously rational enough to resort to MAD, but irrational enough to instigate MAD.
You even conflate Crimea and Moscow for the same opposition point, despite that the scale of resources to remove Russian control from one is of entirely different magnitudes than the other. The Moscow-based Russian Federation does not face existential risk if it loses Crimea- it does if a force is capable of taking Moscow. The two forces are not the same, and the aid shipments that have to date not even allowed Ukraine to capture its own territory are demonstratably not enough to capture Moscow.
This is not a causal mechanism- this is basic assuming the conclusion on handwavium, while throwing in non-falsifiables that wave off the counter-examples.
It's not clearly a valid concern at all, since you pulled 5% out of the same source that you assumed the conclusion, but didn't actually contrast it to the existential risks that follow from NOT providing weapons sufficient to defeat an invasion and annexation of territory against a country that actually did give up nuclear weapon potential in the past.
This is a classic example utility monster logic application, which struggles with infinities and resorts to smuggling in the framing while denying other fictional metrics that would counter the desired conclusion. You can say there is a 5% chance that conventional arms leads to a nuclear war, and someone else could say NOT sending enough arms to conventionally defeat Russia leads to a 5.00005% chance of nuclear proliferation by security-concerned countries that leads to nuclear war. Both are negative infinities.
If you want to say infinity is equally bad in either direction, it doesn't matter- negative infinity either way is still infinity. If you want to say a more likely infinity matters more, you need to actually justify why. Otherwise, there's nothing valid about it- it's just an arbitrary claim to relevance.
Dude. I don’t know what to say.
The basic point I was an am making is that the Cold War is no guide contra to what you said. You haven’t provided any evidence it is.
Seems like you are trying to use some weird “debate trick” as opposed to address the substance of the argument. I’m not making the claim that “we shouldn’t send weapons because it would cross nuclear thresholds.”
I’m saying that sending weapons may cross that threshold (likely depending on Ukraine success) and therefore I don’t judge it to be worth the risk.
As for everything else, again it seems to be a weird debate trick as opposed to substance. For example:
I don’t need to. Losing territory that was small and not part of Russia prior to the invasion is different from losing Crimea which has been Russian for most of the last hundred years, is of key strategic value, and has been de facto Russian since 2014. They are of different categories so I would make a reasonable assumption that Russia would react differently. This seems obvious and happy to try to explain the assumptions but it doesn’t feel like a conversation.
Indeed, most of your argument comes down to “your argument relies on assumptions and judgements.” Yes. So does the argument for providing weapons. The question is which one is reasonable. Trying to play this weird gotcha game isn’t really all that interesting.
Not surprising.
I have repeatedly provided examples of non-threshold aid types and degrees. You have not provided evidence of an actual threshold. You are the one making a positive claim of a risk to justify a decision- it is on you to validate it.
You have been avoiding the arguments every reply so far, from the start to here.
To which you immediately follow with...
Which is an argument from the position that sending weapons would cross the threshold, or else there wouldn't be a risk.
You have not established why anyone should believe Ukrainian success is a credible threshold for Russian nuclear use, particularly when the nominal red line has already been crossed repeatedly already. Rather, you have had to waive away the reasons why the pass crossings didn't actually cross the threshold... which is the point. It's not actually a threshold.
You do, if you wish your judgement to be considered grounded in something more than propaganda narratives from a combatant who regularly and routinely engages in nuclear scaremongering for the sake of affecting decisions without reflecting actual nuclear risk.
There is nothing magical about the year of 2014 versus 2022, and it's not even a claim the Russian military make regarding their nuclear use considerations. This goes back to treating the Russians as irrational nuclear actors.
No. Most of my argument comes down that there is a good deal of historical examples and Russian doctrine and nuclear risk mitigation theory that goes against your judgement that conventional weapons equate to nuclear risk, and you are ignoring it while inventing conditions that even the Russians don't claim.
There's not much of a gotcha to get for a void of justification.
This is just ridiculous. No one knows what a the threshold is because nuclear weapons have only been used twice. But of course that’s the problem when dealing with extreme tail risk. You can’t really rely on history and getting it wrong is terrible. You seem to believe there is a knowable threshold and we need to just figure out what it is. My point is we have zero clue what the threshold is and therefore caution is prudent with respect to Ukraine. You keep saying I’m not responding to your argument but that’s because your argument is absurd — you are asking for me to prove what a threshold is BUT I’m saying that’s the completely wrong question to ask. We have a known unknown and need to make decisions in that context. Sure escalating may not result in nuclear war but it may. It isn’t handwaving to say “we don’t know;” it is the entire argument.
You don’t seem to get that. Instead you seemingly claim “we can look to the Cold War and the current situation of the war to ascertain what the threshold is.” But the problem is pretty much all of your analogs are so easily distinguished as to be beyond the point. That is, we are in sui generis situation meaning we are in known unknown land.
Still avoiding the arguments, I see. No surprise.
Projection.
Indeed you are. It was kind of a point you skipped.
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