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Culture War Roundup for the week of February 13, 2023

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I wrote a python script to copy each 2000-word chunk of a Yarvin article into my clipboard so I could paste each chunk into ChatGPT for a summary. Here is what ChatGPT said:

The passage discusses a prank phone call made to former Secretary of Defense Esper by Russian pranksters posing as the Ukrainian politician-oligarch Petro Poroshenko. Esper expresses his support for Ukraine and acknowledges the importance of supporting them with munitions, arms, and intelligence. The passage then questions why so many people have died in the war, which affects not only Ukraine but also Moldova, Georgia, and other places with Russian involvement. The author suggests that the conflict is primarily driven by local oligarchs vying for control and financial gain, and questions the effectiveness of US snake-handling in the situation. The author also notes the current situation in mid-February 2023, where it appears that the Ukrainian military is struggling on the battlefield, and the US is trying to make up for the production imbalance in industrial war by sending the latest tech. The author ultimately questions the motivation of the conflict, and whether it is worth the human cost.

The text is a political essay discussing the idea of liberalism and nationalism. The author argues that nationalism is a complex issue, and liberalism cannot be defined as a rigid ideology but rather as an ethical method whose ethics are questionable. The essay explores the concept of liberal nationalism and suggests that it is a thing, although there is also conservative nationalism that is considered bad nationalism. The author goes on to discuss how liberalism, as a movement, is never able to detach itself from its ruthless and unprincipled cousin, Machiavellian liberalism, and how liberal nationalism is always an expression of Machiavellian liberalism. The author also draws parallels between nationalism in Eastern Europe, the American enthusiasm for Vladimir Zelensky in 2022, and the American craze for Lajos Kossuth in 1852, suggesting that the pattern is not even specific to Eastern Europe. The essay ends with the idea that to study historical leftism as a unity, despite the notoriously fissiparous nature of leftist parties and sects.

This is a lengthy and complex passage that makes a number of points about international relations and the ideologies that guide them. The author argues that nationalism, despite its repeated failures, continues to appeal to people because it gives them a sense of power. They suggest that liberal internationalism, the idea that liberal values should be promoted globally, is essentially a bureaucratic exercise that serves to make officials feel powerful and important. The author then explores the history of liberal internationalism, tracing it back to British foreign policy in the early 19th century, and suggesting that its original intentions were more sound than they are today. The author concludes that contemporary internationalism is not even predatory, and that it is difficult to justify its actions in places like Ukraine.