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Notes -
I'll note that 'want' also obscures factors of strategy and consideration of other factors.
If, for example, the US has sent categories of aid in advance of it's allies willingness to do the same, then there was a risk that the countries that felt their concerns were bypassed would refuse to send similar aid. The example that comes to mind is tanks- before the Germans objected to sending tanks on grounds that the US hadn't sent any, there was a more general German consensus that tanks were too escalatory. It wasn't until internal german political dynamics had changed that 'we won't send tanks before the US' replaced 'no one should send tanks because tanks are too escalatory, and if you do we won't.' Given the risk was that doing so would prompt the Germans to not do the same, and the German military aid value substantially outweighs the value of individual systems sent without German assent (in the case of Germany-derived tanks) or over German objections (US-derived tanks), and this creates a circumstance of actors wanting to send aid but not wanting to send aid because they want to send more aid overall but doing what they want gets in the way of what they want for what they want.
Which is a heck of a mess of wants, and complicates an over-simplified analysis.
When it comes to the pro-Ukraine coalition in general, I sincerely believe an underappreciated part of the Western war strategy is how the strategy has prioritized building and maintaining the coalition of donors, particularly Germany, over immediate deliveries of on-hand assets. This has been apparent since 2022, but rarely remarked upon, even though the difference of approaching something as a short-term versus long-term problem have considerably different implications. For example, how one views this year's Russian advances in the Donbass; the implications change considerably depending on whether you believe the war ends if the Russians take all the administrative boundaries of the Donbas (a short term paradigm), despite the Donbas not being particularly important to Ukraine's ability to continue fighting (a long-term paradigm).
But to bring this back to political capacity- this sort of perspective does challenge the state capacity in a different way, since the capacity of individual states is being subordinated to the capacity of a coalition as a whole, which makes this a coordination-issue rather than a matter of just beuracratic capacity.
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